Hindutva Ideology In The Gujarat Riots Of 2002 History Essay

The area I had chosen for this assignment was ‘Philosophy’. My ruminations on this area have finally led me to the ideology of the Hindu right-wing radicals of our country. Their ideology has ever perplexed me and challenged my thought process. What is their motivation to indulge in acts of violence as projected by the popular media? What makes them radical in the first place? What makes them virulently defend the concept of a Hindu Rashtra?

The motivation of the Hindutva brigade is the same as that of various other groups involved in armed religious struggle- the perception of a threat to their religion and therefore to their very identity. The spread of rumours and misinformation does much to fan the pent up fury of such groups, and it is not long before mayhem breaks loose.

The articles I have chosen for this assignment deal with various facets of the issue of Hindutva. They are not merely from 2002, but also even as recent as 2008. As one finishes reading this assignment, I hope that he/she gets a fair idea of the mindset of those that belong to the Hindutva brigade.

The six articles I originally chose are sourced from magazines, journals and newspapers. They are ‘Hedged in by Hindutva again’, ‘Hindutva Talibanization’, ‘The Hindutva Experiment’, ‘At a Hindutva factory’, ‘PM seeks RSS help’ and ‘Modi held meeting before 2002 riots’.

I chose ‘Hedged in by Hindutva again’, ‘Hindutva Talibanization’ and ‘The Hindutva Experiment’ as I believe that they are the most relevant to the aspect of Hindutva ideology, and provide a window to understanding the movement that seeks a nation of the Hindus. These articles provide a standpoint on the Hindutva issue from three divergent viewpoints- the viewpoint of an atheist, the viewpoint of a Pakistani Muslim, and the viewpoint of a neutral scholar who is a Hindu.

‘At a Hindutva factory’, ‘PM seeks RSS help’ and ‘Modi held meeting before 2002 riots’ were not shortlisted on account of the fact they do not deal directly with the issue of Hindutva ideology, although they provide us glimpses of it.

My experience in this assignment has been one of a learner; many of my wrong assumptions with regard to religious fundamentalism have been corrected, and I am now able to realistically visualize the requirements of a harmonious society.

It is my fervent prayer that no more Gujarats happen in the future, although I have my doubts if this society we live in will be able to break free of the spiralling communal sentiments.

I have rewritten this article for my subordinates. Khushwant Singh clarifies, in this article, the feeling on the part of a large number of political observers in the country, that Hindutva is no longer a force of substance. He explains that the Indians’ general mistrust of foreign elements and religions remains, and that the BJP has cleverly used such sentiments to its advantage in the political arena. The article is an eye-opener on Hindutva. What follows is my rewrite of the article.

The defeat of the Congress party in elections in Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat has changed the Indian political scene. The BJP now is in power in more states in India than any other party. The Communist and regional parties continue to hold on to their bastions whilst Mayawati’s BSP rules the largest state in India, Uttar Pradesh.

The Congress party’s moral authority to rule the country has been seriously eroded. It must rethink on whether it should hold out for its full term or if it should call for fresh general elections to renew its favour with the electorate. The party presents a grim picture with only one woman as its all-India vote catcher.

We were wrong in taking for granted that Hindutva was no longer a serious concept and that the BJP had nothing to offer with regard to economic and industrial development. The BJP has both and Hindutva gives it a strong talking point in elections.

We need to soul-search why appeal to religion holds such a great part in our lives; we pretend to be secular but are xenophobic- we dislike foreign elements.

Our xenophobia started with our encounters with the foreign colonizers of our country. The first were the Muslims, and despite the best attempts of their converted descendants to Indianize themselves, they were looked at resentfully by the natives. Then came the Europeans who brought Christianity.

Our freedom movement first stood up to the British. Mahatma Gandhi did his best to keep separate the suspicion against the British and the Muslims. His efforts were however made futile by the majority of Muslims who supported partition. His death at the hands of Hindu radicals and the policies of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru kept the Hindu resentment against Muslims subdued. The coming of the Sangh Parivar changed matters.

The BJP is the chief beneficiary of the change in national affairs. Its leaders, and especially L.K. Advani, incited the Hindutva brigade to destroy the Babri Masjid. They are still unapologetic and atleast three more mosques remain in the hit-list of the right-wing radicals.

The Hindutva brigade’s attention has now turned to the Christians. Can a true Indian not feel disappointed by this state of affairs? I hope my analysis is proved wrong.

Nazia Nazar, a columnist based in Pakistan, argues that India’s claim to being a democracy is overhyped and baseless. She gives numerous examples in defence of her belief that India’s 62 years of independence have been riddled with numerous atrocities against the religious minorities. She even goes to the extent of stating that Pakistan is in a much better position in the fight against extremism than India. I have rewritten her article for my peers.

We often decry the activities of the Muslim extremists which cause the loss of lives and of human dignity. The western media is quick to brand them with a plethora of titles. However, what name should we give to the Hindu fundamentalists of India who indulge in similar acts against the minorities? Shouldn’t they also be branded with the same names as the radicals of Islam?

India’s history since her independence from the British 62 years ago is littered with an increasing number of violent and revolting acts against its minorities. The Sikhs, the Christians and the Muslims have been systematically targeted in a genocidal program in which the state has more often than not been complicit.

India’s two major political parties are guilty of fanning the violence against the minorities in two radically different ways. The Congress party has been about loud talk and no action. It has never had a record of protecting the minorities, not even during the time when the Babri Masjid was brought down by Hindu militants even though various experts have consistently maintained that a Hindu temple probably never existed at the spot where the Masjid stood.

The record of the BJP with regard to the rights of the non-Hindus is far worse. It has proved to be an umbrella of protection for the forces of Hindutva who have been at the forefront of the atrocities against the Muslims and Christians. The events of 2002 are still fresh in mind when the Modi administration of Gujarat provided cover whilst the Muslim community was raped and plundered, and over 3000 innocent lives were lost.

The same BJP government has also been involved in the torching of houses and churches in the state of Orissa.

Top leaders in the BJP like Shri. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, L.K. Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi have been implicated in the Justice Liberhan Commission Report submitted on the demolition of the Babri Masjid.

India’s record with regard to tackling the menace of extremism is far worse than that of Pakistan. In Pakistan, the government is involved in an earnest campaign against extremism, whereas in India, the extremists sit in parliament.

I have rewritten the article for my superiors, although I must state at the outset that the original article’s language is of a very high standard, for which I have retained large chunks of it. Dionne Bunsha argues that the radicalisation of the Gujarati populace is not an emerging phenomenon and that it has been in motion for decades, if not for centuries. She explains the the Hindutva forces have been successful in uniting the various castes under one banner in revolt against the Muslim community. The rewritten article follows.

During the last two months of communal violence, questions have been raised with regard to the BJP’s ability to mobilize the various castes against the Muslims. The efforts of the far-right of the political spectrum in the carnage have been well-planned and systematic.

The fact is, the first recorded communal riot in Gujarat happened as far back as in the year 1714, during the Mughal rule, due to a minor incident- the accidental of ‘ghulal’ during the Holi festival. Several riots took place till 1817, under the rule of the Marathas. Riots broke out in 1941 during the British Raj, which caused the suspension of the Civil Disobedience Movement. It was at this time that the Muslims of Ahmedabad started supporting the Muslim League.

In 1946, violence occurred in the city again. In post-Independence India, there were riots in Ahmedabad in 1958, 1965 and 1969. The 1969 riots were also sparked by a minor event but led to one of the bloodiest riots in Gujarat.

Social activist Achyut Yagnik attributes the rise of Hindutva in the State to the rapid growth of an urban middle class that is in constant search of an identity.

. Tracing the rise of the BJP from the 1980s, he illustrates how it has managed to mobilise Patels, Banias, the OBCs and Dalits under a common Hindutva banner in a span of 20 years. Yagnik points out that the Congress split in 1969 changed caste equations in the State. When the Congress (I) swept to power in 1980 using the electoral combine of KHAM (Kshatriyas, Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims), the political clout of the upper castes and Patidars was eroded. "Between 1976 and 1980, the Congress(I) leadership in Gujarat virtually eliminated Brahmins, Banias and Patidars from core positions in the party. For the first time in history, not a single Patidar Minister was of Cabinet rank." (The last 10 years have seen a Patidar resurgence in State politics.)

The success of the Sangh Parivar rests on the fact that it has successfully united all Hindus, including the Scheduled Castes as one entity against the Muslim community. The strength of this movement is apparent from the electoral victories of the BJP government in the state’s elections despite a deteriorating human rights record.

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Emancipation Of The Slaves During The Civil War History Essay

Essays in this volume present an introduction to history of the emancipation of the slaves during the Civil War. The slaves are shown to have shaped the destiny of the nation through their determination to place their liberty on the wartime agenda. Essay examines the evolution of freedom in occupied areas of the lower and upper South. The struggle of those freed to obtain economic independence in difficult wartime circumstances indicates conflicting conceptions of freedom among former slaves and slaveholders, Northern soldiers and civilians. Essay demonstrates how the enlistment and military service of nearly 200,000 slaves hastened the transformation of the war into a struggle for universal liberty, and how this experience shaped the lives of former slaves long after the war had ended.

In the aftermath of the Civil War, the slaves were actually freed. and including President Lincoln, played in freeing the slaves.

The upshot is that it not only demystifies Emancipation, which in any case, was an "evolutionary process" rather than a single "discrete act," it also puts a lie to the accepted legend that American whites were so "freedom-loving" that they fought a war entirely to ensure the freedom of the slave. Despite the well-worn and accepted legend that it was "Lincoln who freed the slaves," the facts revealed in the first essay (as well as in the logic and reality of the social conditions surrounding the war revealed there) -- tell quite a different story. The gates of freedom were simply blown off their hinges and sprung open because no one was available to close them. They were simply left to inhale it on their own accord entirely as an exigent byproduct of the "fog" of the Civil war. And importantly, the fact that whites on neither side of the war could do much about it, does not in and of itself make them, de facto, champions of black freedom. Had they been able to do so, the gates of freedom would have surely been securely slammed shut again. Put simply, the barn gate of slavery had been blown open as a result of the chaos of the war, and the slaves had simply walked out and into the breeze of freedom -- such as it was at the time. Both the North and the South, emancipation was entirely forced upon whites in both regions by the exigencies and the chaos of the Civil War. Thus, the actual "freeing of the slaves" was not a single act as is often depicted in traditional American history.

It was not a heroic single act of white American magnanimity, or an enduring act on their part -- evidence of an ever-dying love for freedom. There is no evidence in the historical records to be found that supports the thesis that whites on neither side of the war, including Lincoln himself, ever had any definite plans of freeing the slaves as a single act of emancipation.

Quite the contrary was true in fact: Whites, whether north or south, were never actually enthusiastic about ending slavery even when they were "backed" into a corner and no longer had a choice in the matter. Nor were they ever openly supportive of it, even when it seemed clear that it would happen no matter what they felt or did about it. And most importantly, even the Abolitionists, who DID support freeing the slaves (for their own selfish moral and religious reasons), were not at the time supporters of making the freed slaves citizens of the US And on this very point, it should be mentioned that even in the North it is a little known fact that freedmen there were often denied US citizenship.

To wit, Lincoln did not even agree to allow blacks to fight in the Union Army until it was an absolute military necessity, and then did so only with the greatest of reluctance. But more importantly, and this is the most telling point of all, just as had been the same case during the Revolutionary War, slaves who fought for Lincoln's Union army (or for the Colonists Revolutionary army, or the army of the Confederacy for that matter) were not freed!

Blacks, who fought on the side of the Americans with General George Washington, were not freed and made citizens of the US as a result of their heroism in the war -- even while, at the same time, the British side was offering both freedom and British citizenship to the more than 100,000 slaves who fought on the British side. The best the "Americans" (the champions, as it were, of white only freedom) could muster was a promise of exile to their own black only colony somewhere else in the world, or a future unspecified timetable for their eventual freedom in the US Which, as subsequent history has shown, were both, in any case.

The truth is that in both the North and the South, emancipation was entirely forced upon whites by the exigencies of the Civil war. After the Civil War and the Emancipation Proclamation by Lincoln, the slaves of America were free. This was a huge step in making our country truly free to all people. The construction of the South did not however work out smoothly for the freed slaves. After President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, former slaves took on a new role in American society. This role was one of more significance and self worth than in slavery, but this class of freedmen was anything but appreciated. Without the manpower of the slaves, the south's agricultural society would fail, and without the agriculture there would be little money or food in the south. The passing of the Louisiana Black Code in 1865, confirmed that whites felt as if blacks could not handle the responsibility or the rights of true citizens. Whites thought they did not deserve these rights because they were inferior to themselves and simply less than human. It was almost as if slavery had never ended.

Many blacks remained on farms and plantations because they did not know what else they could do after emancipation. However, many were being forced into staying because few knew anything other than farming. Some slaves however would do anything just to leave the farm. Even kind masters lost many slaves due to the want and need of freedom. Outsiders made independence nearly impossible though. The sharecropping system, in which most had worked before, was still the only employment available and certainly the only work blacks knew as familiar. Rural merchants tried to give blacks a chance for employment, but often forced them into a position where they would sharecrop.

Some positive effects on the black community following the war. Black family and social life began to improve. Family structure turned toward a more traditional model, with the man at the head of the household completing most of the manual labor. Many blacks soon wanted to be educated and literate. Many public schools, supervised by the Freedmen s Bureau, were built so ex-slaves and their children could be educated. Black churches also offered a place where blacks were given an environment in which they could participate. Funds were raised for schooling and Republican policies were supported in these churches. By 1865, black ministers assumed political roles and the first black conventions were held.

During the Seventeenth, Eighteenth and part of the Nineteenth Century the White people of North America used the Black people of Africa as slaves to benefit their interests. White people created a climate of superiority of their race over the Black African race that in some places, still lingers on today. The American Civil War however, was a key turning point for the Black African race. Through their actions and the political actions of President Lincoln and his administration. Whites felt that the Civil War was a war started upon the White Man's issues and what possible reason would the Black Man have for wanting to fight in this war. On the contrary The Black Man saw The Civil War as an opportunity to win freedom and gain respect. Blacks in the North who were free from slavery willingly pledged their service to fight in the Union Army however, their allegiance was denied by President Lincoln on political grounds. Lincoln realized that the issue of Black soldiers would be intolerable by the public and would not be accepted. Initially, the Union Army utilized Northern Blacks from the Free states to relieve Whites from daily tasks that were essential to maintain the armies, thus freeing up White soldiers for battle. As the Union Armies began to move further into Confederate territory however, they encountered many runaway slave Blacks. These Blacks were the ones that contributed most to the Union effort. This was true for two reasons. First, there were many more Blacks in the South compared to the North, roughly four million compared to two hundred thousand. Secondly, the Black people in the South had more at stake; once they left the Confederate side to join The Union there was no turning back. Not only would they be deemed as traitors but runaways as well and were likely to face death if they where caught.

The effects of this failure to provide a secure place in the American economic, social and political system for its "freed" slaves, still have deep ramification that are felt painfully even today.

As we can see, freedom for the blacks did not come directly as a result of the emancipation proclamation. And there were plenty of obstacles and people who tried to stop them. Freedom also meant the chance to reunite with lost family members. The end of slavery meant that African Americans could more closely fulfill what they saw as appropriate gender roles. However, slowly and surely the black community earned their right to be recognized.

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Target Economic Growth And Investment Economics Essay

 

The Indication which shows the increase of per capita gross domestic product (GDP) or other measure of aggregate income is called “Economic growth”. It is often measured as the rate of change in GDP. Economic growth refers only to the quantity of goods and services produced.

Economic growth can be either positive or negative. When economy is shrinking, that can be referred to Negative growth. Negative growth is associated with economic recession and economic depression. And when economy is expanding, that can be referred to Positive growth. It is associated with economic boom and economic explosion (growth).

There are some critical arguments have been raised against positive effects of economic growth.

Income distribution

Quality of life (e.g. Happiness)

Resource depletion

Environmental Impact

A number of critical arguments have been raised against negative effects of economic growth.

Quality of life (e.g. crime, prisons, or pollution, “uneconomic growth”.)

Growth 'to a point'

Consumerism

Environmental Impact

Equitable Growth

Budget 2010-11 with a GDP growth rate target of 4.5 per cent for next year presented

PPI 05 June 2010 Saturday | 14:52:00

Islamabad, Minister for Finance Dr Abdul Hafeez Sheikh Saturday presented a three point one trillion rupees budget 2010-11 in the National Assembly and termed it an investment, poor friendly and tax free budget for the next financial year.

He said,

Expected growth in Foreign Direct Investment is up to 15% as compare to 12% during the last fiscal year.

Projected export for the coming financial year grows by $19.9 billion as compare to current financial year’s target of $19.2 billion.

Increase in imports for the coming year has been projected by $31.7 billion.

Current account deficit is being targeted at $6.5 billion which would be 3.4 percent of the GDP in the next fiscal year.

The revenue collection has been targeted for the coming year at Rs.1667 billion.

Rs.1975 billion has been earmarked for current expenditures.

For debt retirement six hundred and eighty billion rupees have been allocated.

GDP growth rate has been target four points five percent (4.5%) as compare to four point one (4.1%) percent achieved during outgoing year.

Six hundred sixty three billion rupees are allocated to Public Sector Development Program in which special emphasis has been laid on the power sector for launching of new and completion of on- going projects for overcoming the energy crisis.

280 billion rupees have been earmarked for the federal government development program while 375 billion rupees have been allocated to the provinces for their development programs.

Strict measures will be taken to bring down the budget deficit from five to four percent during the next financial year.

Growth rate for other sectors 3.8 % for agriculture, 5.6% for manufacturing and 4.7% in services sectors set for the new financial year.

The economy is expected to continue to grow gradually through firm path of increased economic growth with lower inflation and continued support to protect the poor and vulnerable.

Investment in people, knowledge generation activities besides economic and institutional reforms would be ensured to enhance productivity and improvement leading to sustainable and inclusive growth.

India could grow by 8.5% in coming fiscal year asked by Manmohan Singh PM of India.

During a conference on Building Infrastructure hosted by the Planning Commission the Hindu Prime Minister Manmohan Singh with Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee: Oppertunities & Challenges in New Delhi on Tuesday.

‘Mr. Manmohan says GDP to grow at 8.5% in Q$4’Farm recovery likely current year’

There are three topics following as under

Business (general)

Economy (general)

Finance (general)

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Tuesday showed confidence about Indian economy.

He said Indian economy will grow by 8.5 per cent in the coming financial year and go faster to 9% the following year from an estimated 7.2 % current fiscal.

For creation of employment for the youth and remove poverty, there should be expansion in economic to above 10 per cent per annum in the 12th Five Year Plan (2012-2017).

He said “We expect to achieve 8.5 per cent growth rate in the year 2010-11... I hope we can achieve growth rate of 9 per cent in the year 2011-12,”

Mr. Singh want the growth target of economy must be above 10% per annum. This is due to elimination of poverty and providing productive employment for young population in near future.

Indian economic growth declined due to the global financial crisis by 6.7%, after growing at over 9% in the three earlier years.

Economic growth at 7.2% in the current financial year estimated by the Central Statistical Organization (CSO), this is done due to the three financial incentive packages given by the Government to support the economy.

For the period of the 12th Five year Plan ending 2017 from the existing level, the investment in the infrastructure should be doubled to about Rs. Ten billion.

He said, “Preliminary exercises suggest that investment in infrastructure will have to expand to USD 1,000 billion in the 12th Five Year Plan. I urged the Finance Ministry and the Planning Commission to draw a plan of action for achieving this level of investment,”

Country needs an investment in infrastructure of over one trillion dollars in the 12th five year plan asked by Planning Commission Deputy Chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia.

Investment criteria, broadly speaking, refer to the codes which oversee “capital allocation” in an economy. The subject of ‘capital allocation’ assumes greatest importance in the peculiar conditions of under developed countries which are mostly capital-starved. Capital, being the hub of all economic development also in short supply, can only be economic development and also in short supply, can only be used very judiciously. The economy and efficiency in the use of capital are thus the abiding concerns of planners. There is however no consensus among the economists on the issue of ‘criteria’ or ‘rules’ which should govern capital allocation, or tests or standards or touchstones by which an investment decision may be judged. Investment ‘criteria’ have there for proliferated depending upon the specific objectives and economic priorities set forth by national leaderships.

There is a frequent change in governments of Pakistan and India and also rapid changes in policies and programs which are shattered the confidence of foreign investor to spend or invest their money.

New government must continue and make better those policies of previous Government for the best interest of the country and the investors.

Law and order situation of a country can force to an investor to invest in that country. Unfortunately, law and order situation in Pakistan and India is not satisfactory which keep away the potential foreign investors from invest in both countries. Safety of capital and the security for the personnel engaged in the projects are essential ingredients that govern foreign investment.

It is the Governments’ responsibility to make better law and order situation which is suitable and beneficial not only for the country but also for the investors.

It is the responsibility of the both governments to make the economic fundamentals of country are strong and predictable, then investors would want to invest in that country because the investor thinks that his or her investment in that country is safe.

Through special regulatory order the head of the state can overnight amend of alter the existing laws. The purpose of SRO’s to enhance the scope and intent and makes the business environment in a country. But some time it is not good for the investors. SRO’s issued under a particular law.

Both countries are democratic, the governments of both countries try to pass the law from the parliament and not issue the SROs by the president or prime minister’s.

Protected and friendly business environment is very essential for growth of FDI. Educated and skilled manpower is also essential for better business environment.

It is the responsibilities of the governments to improve local education system and trained the manpower according to the requirement of the market in the country and availability of ancillary & supporting industries etc. which are required both before and during the life of a project.

Infrastructure is life blood of the economy of every country. Infrastructure consists of communications, power, telecommunications, water, etc. It is the responsibilities of Pakistan and Indian governments to improve its infrastructure facilities to make business environment conducive to foreign investment.

Pakistan and India have record of economic growth in sixties as well as in the recent past. The countries have often come out with pro-investment policies. However, the ad-hoc-ism, and poor implementation of policies have been distorting the system. In order to attract more and more foreign investment, Pakistan and India have to ensure continuity of economic policies coupled with political stability.

Legal cover for foreign and local investment will be extended to new areas and sectors.

The benefits and incentives for investment provided by the Government shall continue, enforce and will not be reduced or altered to the disadvantage of investors.

The Acts like Foreign Private Investment (Promotion and Protection) Act, 1976 and the Furtherance and Protection of Economic Reforms Act, 1992 cover protection of foreign investors / investment in the country.

1985-86

93.7

106

1986-87

161.7

118.0

1987-88

129.0

212.0

1988-89

172.7

90.0

1989-90

216.2

252.0

1990-91

211.5

162.0

1991-92

237.0

141.0

1992-93

553.6

151.0

1993-94

443.2

273.0

1994-95

642.7

620.0

1995-96

1,532.3

1,750.0

1996-97

1,306.9

2,400.0

1997-98

949.5

3,351.0

1998-99

822.6

3,370.0

1999-00

499.6

2,439.0

2000-01

543.4

4,029.0

2001-02

182.0

6,130.0

2002-03

474.6

5,035.0

2003-04

820.1

4,322.0

2004-05

921.7

6,051.0

2005-06

1,676.6

8,961.0

2006-07

5,139.6

22,826.0

2007-08

5,152.8

34,835.0

2008-09

3,179.9

35,180.0

FDI creates an optimistic effect on economic growth in mass countries. It consists of capital, technology, management, and market access.

FDI is a major cause of much needed capital but is also considered be a major means for the access to advance technologies, organizational and managerial skills. Globally, it has grown rapidly in the recent years, faster than international trade. It has a optimistic overall effect on economic growth but the scale of this effect depends on the stock of human capital available in the mass economy and its strategies. The initial impact of an inflow of FDI is increase on the mass country’s imports of raw material and services and repatriated profit and balance of payments (BOP) is positive which adversely affects the BOP.

In this context Feldstein and Razin (2000) and Sodka (forthcoming) note that the gains to host countries can take several other forms:

Transfer of capital and technology is not possible through financial investment in goods and services but allows by the FDI

Competition in the domestic input market is promotes by the FDI

FDI is generated Profits contribute to the corporate revenue in the host country

FDI is help out to employee for learning of operation of new business in the host country. This contributes to human capital development of the host country.

Beneficial foreign direct investment is a main part of the economic development strategies for a country. Towards the economic growth of the country the domestic capital, production level and employment opportunities take place a vital role; it ensures by the FDI. The effects of FDI are by and large transformative. The incorporation of a range of well-composed and relevant policies will boost up the profit ratio from Foreign Direct Investment higher. Some of the biggest advantages of FDI enjoyed by India have been listed as under:

Foreign direct investment can effects the Economic growth because it is a one of the major sectors which can be increase or decrease the economic scale of a country. An extraordinary inflow of FDI in various sectors in a country has enhanced the economic life of country.

FDI is facilitates the opportunities for import and export production in a country. If there is greater amount of FDI inflows in the country, the country will manufacture superior quality products.

The poverty level of a country will reduce due to better FDI inflows and it also creates or facilitates a number of employment opportunities by establishing new projects in different sectors in various corners of the country.

With the help of FDI country can transfer or get knowledge especially in the information technology sector from other country. It is helpful to enhancing the technological advancement in a country.

To get maximum profits and benefits from the targeted market of a particular country, there must be a Joint Ventures and Collaboration.

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Various Theories Concerning Foreign Direct Investment Economics Essay

This assignment tries to discuss various theories concerning foreign direct investment and give the statement as to whether the theories provide a successful explanation of the main determinants of such activity

In real sense the main theories of FDI does not provide successful explanation of the main determinants for such activity, as explained by Dunning and Lundan (2008:81) Multinational Enterprises and Global Economy 2nd Edition.

Definition of foreign direct investment

According to Graham and Spaulding (website information) direct foreign investment in its classical definition is defined as the company from one country making physical investment into building a factory to another country. Foreign direct investment (FDI) plays an extraordinary and growing role in global business. It can provides a firm with new markets and marketing channels, cheaper production facilities, access to knew technology, products, skills and financing. For a host country or the foreign firm which receives the investment, it can provide a strong impetus to economic development. The direct investment in building, machinery and equipment is in contrast with making a portfolio investment, which is considered an indirect investment. In recent years, given rapid growth and change in global investment patterns, the definition has been broadened to include the acquisition of lasting management interest in a company or enterprise outside the investing firm’s home country. As such, it may take many forms, such as a direct acquisition of a foreign firm, construction of a facility, or investment in a joint venture or strategy alliance with a local firm with attendant input of technology, growing, licensing of

Ewe-Ghee Lim (web information) The paper tells about two aspects of direct foreign investment (FDI): its correlation with economic growth and its determinants. The first part focuses on positive spillovers from FDI while the second deals with the determinants of FDI. The paper finds that while substantial support exists for positive spillovers from FDI, there is no consensus on causality. On determinants, the paper finds that market size, infrastructure quality, political/economic stability, and free trade zones are important for FDI, while results are mixed regarding the importance of fiscal incentives, the business/investment climate, labour costs, and openness.

Dunning (1993:3), explain that there is less disagreement about

FDI THEORIES globalisation as a process of towards the widening of the extent and form of cross-border transactions; and the deepening of the economic interdependence between the actions of globalising entities located in other countries.

The FDI theories explain the reason why FDI occurs and the determinants of FDI. The theories have traditionally emphasises market imperfection

(Hymer, 1960; Kindlebeger, 1969) and firm specific advantages or ownership advantages derived from the ownership of intangible assets such as technologies, management skills, and organisational capabilities (Caves, 1971). Hymer’s market imperfections theories suggested that a firm may have certain advantage that may be generated from the fields of technology, management or marketing

A. L Calvet (1981:43-59) Journal of International Business Study (hhtp://teaching.ust.hk/ Accessed on 07.11.2009. He assert that Kindleberger provided the first comprehensive survey of the various theories of foreign direct investment along with the lines expressed by Hymer. He approached the question of direct investment from the standpoint of the perfectly competitive model of neoclassical economics by asserting that in a world of pure competition direct investment could not exist. Kindleberger (1969, p13) Indeed, when all markets operate efficiently, when there are no external economies of production or marketing, when information is costless and there are no barriers to trade or competition, International trade is the only possible form of international involvement. Logically, it follows that is the departures from the model of perfect competition that must provide the rationale for foreign direct investment. The first deviation had been noted by Hymer (1960/1976), who postulated that local firms have better information about the economic environment in their country than do foreign companies. According to his argument, two conditions have to be fulfilled to explain the existence of direct investment: (1) foreign firms must possess a countervailing advantage over the local firms to make such investment viable, and (2) the market for the sale of this advantage must be imperfect. It was, thus, a natural step for Kindleberger later to suggest that market imperfections were the reason for the existence of foreign direct investment. Specifically, he came up with the following taxonomy: Imperfections in goods markets, imperfections in factors market, scale economies and government imposed disruptions. This classification may be called the market paradigm; To encompass new developments in the field of determinants of foreign investment, a somewhat different taxonomy from that of Kindleberger was proposed to distinguish among four classes: (1) market disequilibrium hypotheses, (2) government-impose distortions, (3) market structure imperfections, and (4) market failure imperfections. The common feature found in all the hypotheses in group (1) will be the transitory nature of foreign direct investment. FDI is an equilibrating force among segmented markets which eventually comes to an end when equilibrium is re-established; that is when rates of return are equalized among countries. The unifying characteristic in group (2) will be the role played by either host or home governments in providing the incentive to invest abroad. Group (3) will include theories in which the behaviour of firms deviates from that assumed under perfect competition, through their ability to influence market prices. Finally, in group (4) will be classified theories which depart from the technical assumptions behind the model of perfect markets; that is, the assumptions about production techniques and commodity properties. This last category will deal basically with those phenomena which lead to market failure or, cases where “the decentralizing efficiency of that regime of signals, rules and build in sanctions which defines a price market system” will fail. (Bator 1958, p. 352)

Market disequilibrium hypotheses: The notion of a perfect economy and perfect competition requires the assumption that prices everywhere are adjusted to bring supply and demand into equilibrium. It may well be that because of segmentation in world markets rates of return are not equalized internationally. In a disequilibrium context flows of FDI would take place until markets return to stability. Instances of disequilibrium conditions that provide incentives to invest abroad are those which apply to factor markets and foreign exchange markets.

Ragazzi (1973:491) State that Currency overvaluation is perhaps the most salient example of these disequilibrium hypotheses. A currency may be defined as overvalued when at the prevailing rate of exchange production costs for tradable goods in the country are, on the average, higher than in other countries. Such an occurrence creates opportunities for profit-making by holding assets in undervalued currencies with the expectation that, once the equilibrium in the foreign exchange market is re-established, capital gains will be realized. In meantime, there is an incentive to locate production of internationally traded commodities in countries with undervalued currencies and to purchase income producing assets with overvalued money. The important point is that, once exchange rates return to equilibrium, the flow of FDI should stop. Even more foreign investors should sell their foreign assets, pocket the capital gains, and return to domestic operations.

Foreign direct investment may be attracted toward areas where the average rates of profit are higher. This is basically the capital markets disequilibrium hypotheses. It implies that, for a given level of risk, rates of return on assets are not equalized internationally by portfolio capital flows, due to inefficiencies in securities markets-such as, thinness or luck of disclosure.

“According to Piggott and Cook (1999:260-261) International Business Economics: A European Perspective 2nd Edition

It is difficult to fit into one neat theory because of the problem of definition; secondly any theory of FDI is almost inevitably a theory of MNCs. as well, and thus inseparable from the theory of the firm. Thirdly, the nature of FDI makes it a multidimensional subject within the sphere of economics as well as an interdisciplinary one. It involves the theory of the firm, distribution theory, capital theory, trade theory and international finance as well as the discipline of sociology and politics. It is therefore not possible to identify any single theory of FDI due to many explanations of FDI. Also not easy to classify these explanations into distinct and neat groups, due to substantial overlapping between some of the explanations.

They grouped the theories into three categories.

1).Traditional theories

2).Modern theories and

3).Radical theories

Traditional theories are based on neo-classical economic and explain FDI in terms of location-specific advantages.

Morden theories emphasise the fact that product and factor markets are imperfect both domestically and internationally and that considerable transactional costs are involved in market solutions. Also they acknowledge that managerial and organisational functions play an important role in undertaking FDI.

The radical theories, these take a more critical view of Multinational National Corporation (MNCs).

Let 1st examine the ownership, Location and Internalisation advantages, sometimes referred as paradigm of OLI.

To explain the activity of MNCs there is three different types of advantages which is important.

These refer to certain types of knowledge and privileges which a firm possesses and are not available to its competitor.

These arise due to the imperfections in commodity and factor market.

Imperfections in commodity markets include product differentiation, collusion, and special marketing skills, and in factor markets appear in the form of special managerial skills, differences in access to capital market, and technology protected by patents. Imperfect market may also arise from the existence of internal or external economies of scale or from government policies regarding taxes, interest rates and exchange rates.

The market imperfection gives rise to certain ownership-specific advantages, grouped under the following headings:

Technical advantages-include holding production secrets such as patents, or unavailable technology or management-organisational techniques.

Industrial organisation-relates to the advantages arising from operating in an oligopolistic market such as those associated with joint R&D and economies of scale.

Financial and monetary advantages-includes preferential access to capital markets so as to obtain cheaper capital.

Access to raw materials-if a firm gains privileged access to raw materials or minerals then this becomes an ownership-specific advantage

2).Location-specific advantages (LSA)-This refer to certain advantages which the firm has because it locates its production activities in a particular area:

a) .Access to raw materials or minerals this normally represents an LSA. This advantage, however, applies to all the firms established in the locality and is not sufficient to explain FDI in itself pg 261

b). Imperfections in international labour markets-these create real wage-cost differentials which provide an incentive for the MNC to shift production to locations where labour costs are low. Example electronics component firms using South East Asian locations for assembly production.

c). Trade barriers-These provide an incentive for MNCs to set up production in Europe to avoid CET. Similarly, high Canadian tariff barriers have been used in the past to attract US direct investment.

c). Government policies-such as taxation and interest rate policies can influence the location of FDI.

Internalisation-specific advantages (ISA) occur when international market imperfections make market solution too costly. This means the market is too costly or inefficient to undertake certain types of transactions, so whenever transactions can be organised and carried out more cheaply within the firm than thorough the market they will be internalised and undertaken by the firm itself.

The benefits of internalisation are as follows:-

a). the advantages of vertical integration cover such things as exploitation of market power through price discrimination and avoidance of government intervention by devices such as transfer pricing.

b). the importance of intermediate products for research-intensive activity: the firm appropriates the returns on its investment in the production of new technology by internalising technology.

c). the internalisation is not entirely costless. It creates communication, co-ordination and control problems. There is also the cost of acquiring local knowledge.”

1). Traditional theory

Capital arbitrage theory

The theory states that. Direct investment flows from countries where profitability is low to countries where profitability is high. It means therefore that capital is mobile both nationally and internationally. But sometimes implication is that countries with abundant capital should export and countries with less capital should import. If there was a link between the long-term interest rate and return on capital, portfolio investment and FDI should be moving in the same direction.

International trade theory-the country will specialise in production of, and export those commodities which make intensive use of the country’s relatively abundant factor.

2). Modern theory

Product-cycle theory –

New products appear first in the most advanced economy in respond to demand conditions.

The maturing product stage is described by standardisation of the product, increased economies of scale, high demand and low price

The standardised product stage is reached when the commodity is sold entirely on price basis.

The internalisation theories of FDI

The theory explain that why the cross-border transactions of intermediate products are organised by hierarchies rather than determined by market forces.

The theory of appropriability. The theory explains why there is a strong presence of high-technology industries among MNCs

3).The electric theory of FDI

The theory tries to offer a general framework for determining the extent and pattern of both foreign-owned production undertaken by a country’s own enterprises, and that of domestic production owned or controlled by foreign firm. Dunning and Lundan(2008)

Robock and Simmonds (1989:48) International Business and Multinational Enterprises 4th Ed

Assert that, the electric theory of international production enlarges the theoretical framework by including both home-country and host-country characteristics as international explanatory factors. It argues that the extent, form, and patterns of international production are determined by the configuration of three sets of advantages as perceived by the enterprises. First Ownership (O) advantage 2nd Location (L) and 3rd Internalization (I) advantage in order for the firm to transfer its ownership advantages across national boundary

Daniels, Radebaugh and Sullivan (2009:287) 12th Edition. International Business: Environment and Operations: Pearson International Edition

This is the theory which shows four conditions which is important for competitive superiority: demand conditions; factor conditions; related and supporting conditions and the firm strategy, structure and rivalry.

Demand conditions whereby the company start up production at near the observed market for example an Italian ceramic tile industry after World War II: At that time there were post-war housing boom and consumers wanted cool floors because the climate was hot.

Another factor is factor conditions which recall natural advantage within absolute advantage theory and the factor-proportions theory

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Has Islam Defined The History Of Pakistan History Essay

 

There have been many defying moments in Pakistan’s History and this essay will look to see how Islam has played a role throughout Pakistan’s sixty-three years of existence and whether it has had an effect on Pakistan’s history.

Islam is widely regarded as the fastest growing religion, second only to Christianity in its number of members (Sardar, 2002). It maintained that Pakistan was created as a Muslim state and therefore religion has had a distinct role in its history as well as its political evolution. It is widely claimed that Pakistan became the first Islamic ideological state of the modern times. Unlike non-ideological states, it was not established due to any geographical conflict or territorial domination by a group of people.

So this sinister idea, that Pakistan, like Israel and Iran, is one of three confessional states in the world; that, like Israel, its very origin was to fulfil a religious ideal, to create an Islamic state and Islamic society for the Muslims of India. The regime of General Zia UL-Haq has declared similarly that Pakistan was created to establish an Islamic state for the Muslims of India. With a lack in a popular mandate, the military regime has sought its claim to legitimacy, if not its purpose, in divine decree. (Alavi 1988)

Religion plays a central role in bringing a nation together. Once Pakistan was created, Islam was charged with the task of containing it. The mix of Islam and ethnicity on which Pakistan was premised did not by itself constitute a national identity. Hamza Alavi provides great sight into the relationship between Muslims in India and the creation of Pakistan. He argues that it was not Islam; rather Muslims in India that acted as a catalyst and the means for the creation of Pakistan in 1947.

Consequently, the claim that Pakistan was created to fulfil the ‘millenarian religious aspirations of Indian Muslims’ is further flawed by the fact that the main bearers of the Islamic religion in India were aloof from the Pakistan movement. The Muslim League even during its heydays was never an organization. Rather the sole reason for its phenomenal success was mass popular support. The Pakistan movement though led by secular, liberal educated middle classes primarily drew its mass support on the basis of an Islamic communitarian tradition.

Hamza Alavi, writing in ‘Islamic Reassertion in Pakistan’ argues that, ‘It is only in retrospect, when history is being rewritten, that Jinnah is pictured as a religious bigot. The fact remains that Islam was not at the centre of Muslim nationalism in India, but was brought into the political debate in Pakistan after the nation was created.’ (Alavi 1988)

The Pakistan movement, in that sense and to that extent, became a national movement, on the basis of the 'Two Nation Theory' that Jinnah propounded, affirming that Muslims of India were a separate nation from Hindus. Insofar as their politics entailed the establishment of their own state, their objective was the creation of a 'Muslim state', as a nation state; they did not seek an 'Islamic state', as a theocratic conception. (Alavi 1988)

Islam may not be the major factorial issue that has affected Pakistan’s history as other areas that have affected Pakistan would be its political arena and its military’s function; these two topics intertwine with each other.

Pakistan was created amidst a great Hindu Muslim conflict, because of which the Pakistani nation had a very strong sense of coherence among its social structures. In August 1947 to provide a better homeland to Muslims Pakistan gained independence from British Colonial rule. But the intellectual and physical efforts towards political and national solidarity lacked the cultural and religious commonness. They were solely dependent upon the Muslim nationalism that had developed before the creation of Pakistan.

What Pakistan has witnessed is growing disparity between class structures, internal contradictions and a power struggle between the political elites and the military. Civilian and Military governments have both been responsible for such actions but looking at statistics it shows that military regimes have performed better than civilian governments. The military is an essential part of the Pakistan political set up. It would be hard to imagine the state of Pakistan without a strong army who interferes in policy matters and has a strong say in the functioning of the government.(Monshipouri & Samuel 1995: 973) It is important to analyze and ask why the military has such a stronghold.

Well at independence there was a lack of a political setup and so Pakistan followed the British style of governance – a strong bureaucracy. (Gardezi & Rashid 1983: 5) This strong bureaucracy led the way for feudal aristocrats and a group of rich professionals and merchants to carve policies. The policies that were initiated were in favour of the political elite. This weak and hardly entrenched way of governance paved the way for the armed forces in the political structure of the nation. The case of the army was further helped by a growing threat from India over the issue of Kashmir.

For instance, the issue of Kashmir is only one example of how Pakistan started at an unequal footing in terms of land, capital and military strength. Another major setback was the fact that all the major industry was located in India, and the new nation of Pakistan was namely an agricultural economy dominated by feudal (landowners) that did not help the situation. Almost all political democratic institutions were left in India and the war of 1948 immediately plunged the nation into conflict showing the necessity of the military for national defence. The death of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, premature demise of Liaqat Ali Khan, and the barely adequate leadership thereafter brought about the first military coup in 1958 by Ayub Khan only nine years after independence.

Ayub Khan declared martial law in 1958 and carried out policies of industrialization. His policy of industrialization did really well as Gross National Product increased by over 60% from 1959 to 1968.(MacEwan 1970: 8) Even with massive population growth, the average per capita income of people grew by almost 30%. The previous civilian governments only managed to increase the gross national product at the rate of 5.1% annually, with population growing at 2.8% it meant that average income only grew by 2.3%. (Burki 1983: 302) Ayub Khan’s ‘decade of development’ ended in 1968. He gave Pakistan ‘relative political stability and a coherent public policy’ (Wilcox 1969: 90)

In 1970 Zulfiqar Bhutto and his Pakistan People’s Party won a free election and made the government the ruling party. This was the first civilian government since 1958. He wanted to close the income gap between class structures and change the economic structure of Pakistan which had increasingly become elitist. He was not successful in implementing many of his policies and the country as a whole did worse than it did in the period of Ayub Khan. (Monshipouri & Samuel 1995: 978) He tried to balance all sections of society, which resulted in poor economic performance. Public sector invest grew from 5% in 1971 to 74% in 1977, leading to a decrease in private investment. (Monshipouri & Samuel 1995: 978) Large scale manufacturing declined during his time, it grew at a rate of less than 2% compared to rates of 10% during the ‘decade of development’ in Ayub Khan’s time.

This was followed by another military coup by Zia UL Haq who took control in 1977. New innovations were introduced in banking and taxation under the name of Islamization. (Gardezi & Rashid 1983: 14) This regime re-emphasized some policies of the Ayub Era. This showed in figures; the Gross Domestic Product grew at 6.3% during 1978-1983. (Monshipouri & Samuel 1995: 979) The growth of the manufacturing industry was at 9% compared to the 3.8% during 1972-1978. The growth in the later half was even better. GDP grew at an annual rate of 6.6% from 1983 to 1988 and large scale manufacturing grew at an average rate of 16.6%.

A strong government is essential for political and economic development. But the 1990s were unprecedented in the history of instable political and economic development in Pakistan. There was increasing pressure on the economy to do well; majority of the budget went towards debt financing and the military, the civilian governments tried to vest more power in the Prime Minister as opposed to the President resulting in the short span of governance by the same political party. The short occupancy of a single democratic administration meant that reforms could not be carried out effectively; no significant change resulted.

 It is interesting to analyze the role of civilian and military regimes and how they have done in terms of political and economic development. Looking at historical figures statistically it would suggest that during the rule of the military Pakistan has achieved sustainable economic growth. Much healthier when compared to civilian governments in retrospect. But this doesn’t suggest that military regimes are better for economic growth than civilian governments, but does indicate that to have sustainable economic growth you need a stable political system, and surprisingly with Pakistan this has been provided by the military organization rather than elected chosen governments of the people. Why has this trend carried on for so much for the history of Pakistan?

 There is no simple answer to this question, but it can be traced back to the partition and gaining independence from direct British colonial rule. From the beginning the military was an important part of the political setup, it was an internal rather than an exogenous factor in the political apparatus of post independence Pakistan.

So why have the military seized power four times (’58, ’69, ’77 and ’99 (Schaffer 2002: 7)) in Pakistan’s 63-year history? This goes to heart of many problems with the very institutions inherited in Partition, lack of a strong design, foreign intervention and support, elite control, half-successful nationalism, regional inequalities and representation as well as unequal resource collection and allocation.

It’s because the failures of civilian regimes automatically paved the way for the military, thus the four times military men have ruled Pakistan. Military regimes have tried to make them democratic through the constitution and gain legitimacy through the political apparatus. It appears that the civilian governments were in a balance of power struggle between the prime minister and the president which effectively carved the way for the military to take over. It would be wise to say that military governments in Pakistan provided economic and political stability that was missing in civilian governments. But the military must stop thinking of itself as a saviour to the crises created by the civilians and let the civilian politicians sort out their own mess. For only then can a true democracy emerge?

In conclusion Pakistan the problems that Pakistan is facing in terms of the democracies and military coups come from a various number of reasons and inequalities that have compounded to create an almost predictable cycle of military coups from the democratic governments. This comes in part from the military’s role as protector of the State. The key for democracy and the strengthening of democratic institutions in Pakistan is simply education not just literacy, with education people can create their own nation and eventually Pakistan will become a developed nation of solvent institutions and become a powerful economic power to be truly independent.

There needs to be a reform of parliament and political parties. One of the major problems is that existing political parties do not allow a proper democracy to develop, because there is no shifting pluralities to allow the electorate to keep elected officials in check. Allow more power in the hands of the citizenry, not in the vested interests of political elites. Furthermore there needs to be institutional reform and checks and balances, creating a more formal role for the military. Looking at the issues in this essay that has affected Pakistan it can be said that each one of them contributed in its own way towards the promotion of Pakistan’s national solidarity and a Pakistani Identity.

However overall Pakistan’s history has been a most turbulent one, “producing anything but a participatory democracy” (Siddiqui 2001: 7) where men have lusted after power for their own purposes and the people have suffered without a say in how their country is run. As Kapur put it “they had not been groomed in the nursery of democracy and in the ideas of individual freedom, liberty and nationalism”. (Kapur 2002: 8)

It is still in the process of determining its political scope for the future, still in the process of settling down with an effective form of government. A great weakness of the Pakistani Government contrasting greatly with the Indian one is the lack of power separation of the military with the executive. The collapse of Ayub’s policies to bring Pakistan into a more secular, foreign-friendly nation and his attempts to modernize the nation, indicate that Islam did in fact have a significant political role in state affairs and is probably why Pakistan is still non-secular.

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Hadrians Building Projects Across The Empire History Essay

The reason I have decided to research and analyse sources concerning Hadrian’s building projects are that I believe they provide a good insight into understanding Hadrian himself and also his reign as emperor. Hadrian’s reign has further interest to me due to his lasting impact on architecture, and recent archaeological sites, such as Sagalassos in Turkey, have brought Hadrian into the forefront of ancient Roman study.

Marble bust of Hadrian during his reign

Hadrian’s appearance and the way he presents himself to both his subjects and for future rulers can teach us much about him and therefore his reign. The Greek style beard opposed to the more conservative appearance of cleanly shaven reflects Hadrian’s philhellenic attitude and reflects on his scholarly and somewhat radical approach to ruling. This is reflected in the changes on Roman society with the incorporation of conquered peoples fashions and ideology.

“He built something in almost every city”

Historia Augusta Hadrian 19.9

This source indicates a building boom that spread throughout the empire under the reign of Hadrian. This demonstrated both the affluence and the stability in his reign. To be able to partake in these building projects, Hadrian must have had the funds and resources to make them possible. There would also have to have been stability in the empire to allow the projects to be sustained without disturbances.

The exterior of the Pantheon

The Pantheon was a leading triumph of Roman architecture during Hadrian’s reign that symbolised the nature of the reign itself. It encapsulates both Hadrian’s ability of selecting the optimum architects to fulfil his wishes and the influence of the ancient Greek society on the Roman world. Hadrian greatly influenced the design of the building, such as the domed roof that Hadrian favoured, which would still be a phenomenal feat today. This demonstrated his direct influence on his empire but may also suggest that he was largely concerned with improving the aesthetics of his cities rather than the social issues. The influence of Greece on Rome is demonstrated by the Corinth capitals heading the columns; the structure of the roof also reflects the temple of Athena in Athens, as can be seen on the left. As can be seen, the rectangular shape and triangular roof, though it has fallen down on the temple of Athens, has directly influenced the Pantheon.

The inscription dedicated

By Agrippa and restored by Hadrian

As can be seen in the source, though built by Hadrian, the inscription dedicates the pantheon to Marcus Agrippa. During his reign Hadrian created several spectacular buildings but did not inscribe his name to any, except the temple of his father Trajan. This demonstrates that Hadrian was very modest in his outlook on life. It also indicates that his reign was a period of peace as the same consul was elected three times, suggesting stability in the senate.

The interior of the Pantheon seen from the entrance

To the rotunda

The Pantheon’s ceiling is the largest un-reinforced concrete dome in the world. This demonstrates the ingenuity and innovation of the Roman builders during Hadrian’s reign. The Pantheon was an iconic building during both the ancient and modern world. The scale at which Hadrian was able to build demonstrates again the skills of his workforce and the resources and funding that were available to him. The source also demonstrates the significance of religion in Hadrian’s empire. This temple dedicated to all gods reflected Hadrian’s devotion to the deities and the extent he would go to honour them. The word pantheon is formed of two Greek words, “pan” meaning all and “theos” meaning gods; the literal translation therefore is all gods. This demonstrates that Hadrian intended to honour all the gods of the Roman religion demonstrating his piety.

Marble Head from a colossal statue of Hadrian,

excavated at Sagalassos, south west Turkey.

This colossal statue of Hadrian demonstrated to his subjects in the province of Pisidia the full authority he had over them, as his statue would dominate their view. Found in what remains of the city Sagalassos, the statue represents Hadrian as an almost godlike figure and this would demonstrate to the people of this city the power he had as well as satisfy his own vanity. Statues of this sort are intended to glorify the emperor and this statue more than illustrates Hadrian’s control over a somewhat distant province. The source can therefore be shown to demonstrate the stability of the empire.

2.

Housteads Crags , Hadrian’s wall

Map of Northern England and southern Scotland with outline of Hadrian’s Wall.

Hadrian’s Wall was built in one of the furthest provinces in the Roman world Britain. It demonstrates military efficiency in being able to complete such a large project in a short time and was also a symbol of authority in the province. The extent of the size of the wall shows the building skills of the Roman builders and also the uncompromising attitude of the Romans by building across all kinds of terrain as seen in the source. The source also indicates limitations of Hadrian’s. Due to the risk of imperial overstretch the wall was formed he as further expansion into north Britain was not feasible.

Aerial view of Hadrian’s villa in the foothills

of the Tiburtine Mountains

As soon as he had been appointed emperor, Hadrian began planning what would eventually become his villa. By erecting this villa, Hadrian enhanced and belittled an established tradition of the Roman emperors. Though motivated by social convention, Hadrian extended his project to further glorify him and distinguish himself form other emperors. The result of his planning and almost twenty years of work was the largest villa in the Roman world. This building demonstrates Hadrian’s attempt to distinguish himself from previous emperors and well as demonstrate to his people the affluence and extravagance of the empire under his reign. His concept of rule was established by this project which incorporated both novel and traditional views and was seen by Hadrian as an architectural wonder where he could do as he pleased.

Statue of Antinous in the guise of the

Egyptian god Osiris

The Statue of Hadrian’s close friend and most likely his gay lover as an Egyptian deity found in the shrine to him after Antinous’ death demonstrates the incorporation of provincial fashions and deities into the Roman way of life. The openness of the shrine to Antinous and several other statues erected in his honour could suggest that the Romans displayed a liberal view on homosexuality during Hadrian’s reign compared to more recent history. However it may also demonstrate the absolute of the emperor that no-one would question his actions.

Word count = 1127

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Wages In The United States 1880 To 2008 Economics Essay

This paper is a research on the changing policies and legislation on wages and how it has affected the income of American working class families by analyzing the history of wages in America from 1880 when the factory system led to the development of the industrial working class to 2008 where wage inequality and falling value of wages has impacted the actual incomes of working class families.

The main problem that the study wants to answer is whether there is a relationship between the historical development of capitalism in America and the problem of falling incomes due to the current policies and laws concerning wages.

To find out the answer to the problem the research will review the history of industrialization, labor unions, and wage policies in America.

The stagnation of wages in America has led to a widening gulf in the income levels between those on top those at the bottom of the income ladder. The real value of wages has also fallen as compared to its value in the 1970s so much so that at present levels workers are earning 25% less than their counterparts 25 years ago.

Different factors such as flexible working hours, influx of cheap undocumented migrant labor, and the economic recession have been identified as the reason for the downtrend in the value of wages. One other problem is that in America wages are traditionally determined by market forces and as such its rate is determined by the law of supply and

demand. This means that the higher the supply of labor compared to a low demand of the job market would result in cheaper wages. In America today a lot of people are getting better education which translates to higher paying jobs but in reality the existence of such jobs are few and far between primarily because the economic recession has led to a lot of business foreclosures, or downsizing, and restructuring of companies which leads to the scarcity of jobs.

While there is a federal law that determines a standard minimum wage, statistics shows that between 1979 and 2003 there was a 29% decrease in real terms of the minimum wage. In 2007 the real median household income fell about 0.6% lower in 2007 compared to the levels at the end of 1990. Although there was a growth in incomes by 1.3% or about $665 between the years of 2006 and 2007 all in all this growth is not enough to recover from the loss of income levels in the previous years. Income inequality reached even higher levels when former President George Bush came to power, with the incomes of the poorest households declining in comparison to the rising incomes of the richest households.

The current situation is as much a product of historical development in terms of policy decisions as it is an isolated social phenomenon brought about by a modern globalized economy. Since the 1970’s American wages has seen a steady decline as the post-war boom era came

to an end and the global economy was first hit by recession that continued with its economic roller coaster ride up to the early 1990’s. There was a slight pickup in the economy during the technological revolution and construction boom of the mid-90s, but this was not based in the development of productivity or industrial growth but was more due to an artificial portfolio investment boom and growth of credit which led to the market crash during the early millennia.

As a response to the crisis governments and corporations have introduced measures aimed at saving the interest of businesses rather than securing jobs and protecting wages. Downsizing of production, plant and management restructuring of industries, and the flexibility of working hours from a standard 8 hour working time has led to lower wages which in turn leads to low family incomes.

One of the factors that also affects wages and wage policies is the organized strength of workers and trade unions. The federal minimum wage standard was actually established in 1938 as a response of government to the growing threat of trade unions and is part of the efforts of the Roosevelt administration to win over labor while protecting the interest of capitalists. In 1980 labor unions have been constantly attacked by right wing conservatives in government who see organized labor as a threat to the economic interest of big business. Union busting and a downtrend in union membership and union militancy led to the introduction of measures that have

attacked job security and gave corporations a free hand in determining wages.

The attacks on labor unions have led to an onslaught of wage violations by big businesses. These violations include non-payment of overtime pay, their take home pay lessened by illegal deductions to their paychecks, being forced to work beyond their schedule without being paid and being paid less than what is mandated by law to be the minimum wage standard.

Most of those who suffer violations are low wage workers, 39% of whom are undocumented, 31% legal migrants, and 30% are native born Americans. This data shows that how workers are treated and how their rights to decent jobs and wages are violated is directly related to their capacity to organize, mobilize, and defend their rights.

The research addresses the following problems:

What are the policies of government in relation to wages and how this is shaped by external factors such as the demands of the economy, the interest of business, and the organized capacity of the labor movement?

How do changes in wage policies affect the incomes of working class families?

What are the key issues concerning wage and income viewed from a historical perspective?

The research shall utilize existing research and data gathered on labor and wage inequality. Significant events and wage trends shall be the primary focus of the research. Specific descriptive and historical data on the state of wages from the 1880 to 1940

shall be included in the research. It is also important to note that descriptive data will be used due to the difficulties in attaining wage information beyond the 1940’s as reflected by Robert Margo, author of the Working Paper No. 286, The History of Wage Increases in America. According to his book, providing analysis on wage inequality before 1940 is difficult. Pre-1940 trends of wage inequality were analyzed only according to averages in the different occupational groups.

From the period of the 1821 to 1880s, the growth rate of wages of common labor workers is at 1.04%, artisans received 0.73% while the growth rate of the clerks reached 1.52%. The growth rate of the clerks’ wages (who are considered as the major white collar job in this period), moderately rose prior to the Civil war compared to the common labor workers. The clerks being considered as the highly educated with their work on accounting and managerial functions and their moderate rise in the rate of wage growth contributes to the demand for educated labor before the civil war.

The white collar workers suffered a decline in its wages before 1930. Paul Douglas explains that the educational expansion might have caused this substantial decline. The educational expansion reportedly increased the supply of educated workers in the early 20th century.

According to Margo, the rising portion of the growth rate appeared on the period of 1820 to 1860. After 1860, wage inequality declined during the World War I

but rose again and peaked in the late 1920s. Between 1929 and 1950, inequality continuously decreased and reached two decades of stability from the year 1950 to 1970 after which inequality again increased sharply in the 1980s.

The "Great Compression" of the 1940s resulted in a substantial narrowing of wage inequality within and between groups. Although long-term supply side forces played a role in generating wage compression, much of the decrease in inequality was associated with the effects of World War Two on the relative demand for less-skilled labor, as well as government policies specific to the War. (Margo, 1999).

The wage compression that occurred in the 1940s was sustained for some time after World War Two ended, but by 1960 inequality had begun to creep back towards pre-World War Two levels. The baby boom, however, kept wage inequality from rising further in the 1970s. (Margo, 1999).

Several factors explain the increased dispersion in wages in the bottom half of the distribution during the 1980s and the slight decrease afterward. The characteristics of the workforce changed significantly: education levels increased, women increased their share of work, and the workforce grew older. Those compositional changes alone would have somewhat increased dispersion in the bottom half of the wage distribution both during the period from 1979 to 1990 and the period from 1990 to 2005. (Congressional Budget Office, 2006).

Income inequality in the United States has risen during Bush’s presidency. While real median income for households near the top of the income distribution rose during the Bush years, incomes at the middle and the bottom fell. Median income fell 0.6 percent ($324) from 2000 to 2007. Income at the lowest 20th percentile fell by 6.0 percent ($1,285) and at the 10th percentile by 4.5 percent ($579). (US Congress, Joint Economic Committee, 2008).

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