The area I had chosen for this assignment was ‘Philosophy’. My ruminations on this area have finally led me to the ideology of the Hindu right-wing radicals of our country. Their ideology has ever perplexed me and challenged my thought process. What is their motivation to indulge in acts of violence as projected by the popular media? What makes them radical in the first place? What makes them virulently defend the concept of a Hindu Rashtra?
The motivation of the Hindutva brigade is the same as that of various other groups involved in armed religious struggle- the perception of a threat to their religion and therefore to their very identity. The spread of rumours and misinformation does much to fan the pent up fury of such groups, and it is not long before mayhem breaks loose.
The articles I have chosen for this assignment deal with various facets of the issue of Hindutva. They are not merely from 2002, but also even as recent as 2008. As one finishes reading this assignment, I hope that he/she gets a fair idea of the mindset of those that belong to the Hindutva brigade.
The six articles I originally chose are sourced from magazines, journals and newspapers. They are ‘Hedged in by Hindutva again’, ‘Hindutva Talibanization’, ‘The Hindutva Experiment’, ‘At a Hindutva factory’, ‘PM seeks RSS help’ and ‘Modi held meeting before 2002 riots’.
I chose ‘Hedged in by Hindutva again’, ‘Hindutva Talibanization’ and ‘The Hindutva Experiment’ as I believe that they are the most relevant to the aspect of Hindutva ideology, and provide a window to understanding the movement that seeks a nation of the Hindus. These articles provide a standpoint on the Hindutva issue from three divergent viewpoints- the viewpoint of an atheist, the viewpoint of a Pakistani Muslim, and the viewpoint of a neutral scholar who is a Hindu.
‘At a Hindutva factory’, ‘PM seeks RSS help’ and ‘Modi held meeting before 2002 riots’ were not shortlisted on account of the fact they do not deal directly with the issue of Hindutva ideology, although they provide us glimpses of it.
My experience in this assignment has been one of a learner; many of my wrong assumptions with regard to religious fundamentalism have been corrected, and I am now able to realistically visualize the requirements of a harmonious society.
It is my fervent prayer that no more Gujarats happen in the future, although I have my doubts if this society we live in will be able to break free of the spiralling communal sentiments.
I have rewritten this article for my subordinates. Khushwant Singh clarifies, in this article, the feeling on the part of a large number of political observers in the country, that Hindutva is no longer a force of substance. He explains that the Indians’ general mistrust of foreign elements and religions remains, and that the BJP has cleverly used such sentiments to its advantage in the political arena. The article is an eye-opener on Hindutva. What follows is my rewrite of the article.
The defeat of the Congress party in elections in Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat has changed the Indian political scene. The BJP now is in power in more states in India than any other party. The Communist and regional parties continue to hold on to their bastions whilst Mayawati’s BSP rules the largest state in India, Uttar Pradesh.
The Congress party’s moral authority to rule the country has been seriously eroded. It must rethink on whether it should hold out for its full term or if it should call for fresh general elections to renew its favour with the electorate. The party presents a grim picture with only one woman as its all-India vote catcher.
We were wrong in taking for granted that Hindutva was no longer a serious concept and that the BJP had nothing to offer with regard to economic and industrial development. The BJP has both and Hindutva gives it a strong talking point in elections.
We need to soul-search why appeal to religion holds such a great part in our lives; we pretend to be secular but are xenophobic- we dislike foreign elements.
Our xenophobia started with our encounters with the foreign colonizers of our country. The first were the Muslims, and despite the best attempts of their converted descendants to Indianize themselves, they were looked at resentfully by the natives. Then came the Europeans who brought Christianity.
Our freedom movement first stood up to the British. Mahatma Gandhi did his best to keep separate the suspicion against the British and the Muslims. His efforts were however made futile by the majority of Muslims who supported partition. His death at the hands of Hindu radicals and the policies of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru kept the Hindu resentment against Muslims subdued. The coming of the Sangh Parivar changed matters.
The BJP is the chief beneficiary of the change in national affairs. Its leaders, and especially L.K. Advani, incited the Hindutva brigade to destroy the Babri Masjid. They are still unapologetic and atleast three more mosques remain in the hit-list of the right-wing radicals.
The Hindutva brigade’s attention has now turned to the Christians. Can a true Indian not feel disappointed by this state of affairs? I hope my analysis is proved wrong.
Nazia Nazar, a columnist based in Pakistan, argues that India’s claim to being a democracy is overhyped and baseless. She gives numerous examples in defence of her belief that India’s 62 years of independence have been riddled with numerous atrocities against the religious minorities. She even goes to the extent of stating that Pakistan is in a much better position in the fight against extremism than India. I have rewritten her article for my peers.
We often decry the activities of the Muslim extremists which cause the loss of lives and of human dignity. The western media is quick to brand them with a plethora of titles. However, what name should we give to the Hindu fundamentalists of India who indulge in similar acts against the minorities? Shouldn’t they also be branded with the same names as the radicals of Islam?
India’s history since her independence from the British 62 years ago is littered with an increasing number of violent and revolting acts against its minorities. The Sikhs, the Christians and the Muslims have been systematically targeted in a genocidal program in which the state has more often than not been complicit.
India’s two major political parties are guilty of fanning the violence against the minorities in two radically different ways. The Congress party has been about loud talk and no action. It has never had a record of protecting the minorities, not even during the time when the Babri Masjid was brought down by Hindu militants even though various experts have consistently maintained that a Hindu temple probably never existed at the spot where the Masjid stood.
The record of the BJP with regard to the rights of the non-Hindus is far worse. It has proved to be an umbrella of protection for the forces of Hindutva who have been at the forefront of the atrocities against the Muslims and Christians. The events of 2002 are still fresh in mind when the Modi administration of Gujarat provided cover whilst the Muslim community was raped and plundered, and over 3000 innocent lives were lost.
The same BJP government has also been involved in the torching of houses and churches in the state of Orissa.
Top leaders in the BJP like Shri. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, L.K. Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi have been implicated in the Justice Liberhan Commission Report submitted on the demolition of the Babri Masjid.
India’s record with regard to tackling the menace of extremism is far worse than that of Pakistan. In Pakistan, the government is involved in an earnest campaign against extremism, whereas in India, the extremists sit in parliament.
I have rewritten the article for my superiors, although I must state at the outset that the original article’s language is of a very high standard, for which I have retained large chunks of it. Dionne Bunsha argues that the radicalisation of the Gujarati populace is not an emerging phenomenon and that it has been in motion for decades, if not for centuries. She explains the the Hindutva forces have been successful in uniting the various castes under one banner in revolt against the Muslim community. The rewritten article follows.
During the last two months of communal violence, questions have been raised with regard to the BJP’s ability to mobilize the various castes against the Muslims. The efforts of the far-right of the political spectrum in the carnage have been well-planned and systematic.
The fact is, the first recorded communal riot in Gujarat happened as far back as in the year 1714, during the Mughal rule, due to a minor incident- the accidental of ‘ghulal’ during the Holi festival. Several riots took place till 1817, under the rule of the Marathas. Riots broke out in 1941 during the British Raj, which caused the suspension of the Civil Disobedience Movement. It was at this time that the Muslims of Ahmedabad started supporting the Muslim League.
In 1946, violence occurred in the city again. In post-Independence India, there were riots in Ahmedabad in 1958, 1965 and 1969. The 1969 riots were also sparked by a minor event but led to one of the bloodiest riots in Gujarat.
Social activist Achyut Yagnik attributes the rise of Hindutva in the State to the rapid growth of an urban middle class that is in constant search of an identity.
. Tracing the rise of the BJP from the 1980s, he illustrates how it has managed to mobilise Patels, Banias, the OBCs and Dalits under a common Hindutva banner in a span of 20 years. Yagnik points out that the Congress split in 1969 changed caste equations in the State. When the Congress (I) swept to power in 1980 using the electoral combine of KHAM (Kshatriyas, Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims), the political clout of the upper castes and Patidars was eroded. "Between 1976 and 1980, the Congress(I) leadership in Gujarat virtually eliminated Brahmins, Banias and Patidars from core positions in the party. For the first time in history, not a single Patidar Minister was of Cabinet rank." (The last 10 years have seen a Patidar resurgence in State politics.)
The success of the Sangh Parivar rests on the fact that it has successfully united all Hindus, including the Scheduled Castes as one entity against the Muslim community. The strength of this movement is apparent from the electoral victories of the BJP government in the state’s elections despite a deteriorating human rights record.
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