In order to examine the role of pre Hispanic political formation in of the Philippines and how it related to political economy, trade related participation, political transformation and social rankings are considered.
Chinese historical records are the world’s most comprehensive and complete written evidence of what the world has been since 1700 B.C. – 1046 B.C. It has been the works of Chinese historians and scholars who have documented China’s history and its association with other neighboring countries. Most commonly, China has traded with countries in Asia and the Southeast Asia, including the Philippines and has noted important aspects of Philippines trading system back to the pre Hispanic period. Coinciding with this claim, there has also been historical records of Philippines early people who engage themselves in trading with foreign countries such as China. So there has been a concession between China and Philippines that these two countries are openly trading during the pre Hispanic times. One notable feature that the Chinese historians have said about the Philippines is that the foreign trade system during that era has been strongly influenced by socio political system.
Since there has been no formal entity of a sustained and institutionalized state in the Philippines during the pre Hispanic period, tribes and chiefdoms are eminent to take that governing form. Philippine historical accounts says that in a social hierarchy of either a tribe or a chiefdom, only the people who belong to the elites are allowed to engage in trading. By this, we can see a highly centralized form of system wherein those in the higher class gets more privileges than those who belong to the lower classes of the social hierarchy. This denotes a very bureaucratic socio political system wherein people are bounded and restricted by the set of options provided only in their classes. The people who belong to the lower classes are restricted in foreign trade system but can engage themselves in local trading such as inter tribal or tribal to tribal trade system. In order for them to partake of the foreign commodities that are only the elites have, they will offer services to them in the form of working for their field, errands etc. in exchange for a small quantity of what they have asked.
Another feature that the Chinese traders and historians have noted about the Philippines is that most of its commodities are ornaments made out of gold, silver and copper. These were the primary merchandise that the Chinese would want to acquire. In exchange for these precious metals, garments and useful items are traded for the Philippine merchants. Also, included in the trade were animals, fruits and vegetables that are products of both countries. It is noticeable that smart trading exists during that time because people trade something for what they need. Survival has been the focal point of trading for the lower classes because it is a way for them to acquire what they need in everyday life. Hence, on the part of the rich and the elites, they trade because they wanted to get more out of what they have already gotten.
The type of socio political system during the pre Hispanic period has utterly favored the interest of the elite and the ruling class. It is only then by the time that the Spaniards have colonized the Philippines where there has been a clear distinction of what are the state and a society’s role in development. The evolution of the socio political system in the Philippines has been a long process toward the end of the pre Hispanic period.
Chiefdom is a kind of complex society wherein there is a varying level of centralization and is governed by a sole person known as a chief. Often described as a social organized group, it takes form of neither a simple tribe nor a complex state; rather, it is “an autonomous political unit comprising a number of villages or communities under the permanent control of a paramount chief” (Carneiro 1981: 45). Since inequality and centralization of authority exists in chiefdom, there are at least two divisions in their social classes, primarily the elites and the commoners. In some places, chiefdom has a social hierarchy with three to four divisions. The affluent people or those who have great influence, power and prestige in chiefdom belong to the elite class and everyone else fall in the category of a commoner. Although the distinction between classes is highly recognized in chiefdom, an individual might change social classification during his lifetime by extraordinary behavior. If a commoner, by chance get to have a fortune by any means, he will then be regarded as elite. Same as if a commoner would contribute for the betterment of the chiefdom in form of wealth or prestige, his social class will then be changed into elite. In line with this, the ruling class who also belong to the elites often than not inherit the rights to become a chief. A kinship runs in chiefdom for as long as there is a legitimate heir to the position. Chiefdom is generally composed of a central community where the chief lives and is surrounded by a periphery of smaller subsidiary communities who all recognize the authority of the sole chief.
Looking upon Philippine chiefdom during the pre Hispanic period, these characteristics were very prevalent. A number of chiefdoms have been recorded by historians namely the chiefdoms in Ifugao and Kalinga in Northern Luzon, Hanunoo in Mindoro Island, Sulod in Panay, Bukidnon, Maranao, Magindanao, Bagobo, Manuvu, Tiruray in Mindanao and Tausug in Sulu Archipelago. Ethnographic studies were focused mainly on the region of Mindanao where the biggest concentration of chiefdoms is eminent. Mindanao is considered as the country’s biggest island with a geographical specification of mountainous region and is home to indigenous tribes and ethnic group. Since the area is abundant with rich land resources such as fruits and vegetables and minerals like gold, silver and copper, the fight for territorial power amongst tribes is widespread. Tribes with more population, often than not, has the power to conquer a less populated tribe which will then be an extension of its territory. With the accumulation of more less powerful tribe, the winning tribe can now form chiefdom. Under the leader tribe, the sub tribes are ought to make and produce tributes to it. They must adhere to the paramount chief for them to be able to survive because when a sub tribe has not able to contribute something to the leader tribe; this calls for the expulsion of the sub tribe and banning them to consume resources within the territorial boundaries of the chiefdom.
Same as to the other parts of the Philippines, chiefdoms exhibit similar characteristics. It is only in Mindanao that chiefdoms are frequently discussed by researchers because unlike in the other parts of the country, Mindanao chiefdoms’ are mixed of Muslim and non Muslim tribes. Issues between Muslims have been long fought of even before Christianity has paved its way to the Philippine soil. Muslim chiefdom in Mindanao tends to fight non Muslim chiefdom because since then, they would want to separate themselves to the whole of the country, making the island independent and Muslim owned. This added more enthusiasm to the researchers because chiefdom has not only been the fight to conquer and expand territories but rather it is a struggle to show supremacy of beliefs, traditions and customs.
There have been a number of similarities between tribal and chiefdom in the Philippines that is why both are commonly mistaken to one another. Previous discussions have illustrated the characteristics of chiefdom and how it is different from a tribe. Chiefdom is distinct to a tribe because it is rather a collection or a group of tribe. But the system that runs between these two is almost the same. The political structure has been similar, although there has been some distinction between the social hierarchical systems. Through the years that chiefdom has been the governing body in the pre Hispanic Philippines, it has evolved itself from being a simple chiefdom to a more complex one and this is because of the factors that emerged along the process.
During the times of early chiefdom, it is characterized by a central community that is surrounded by other smaller communities who adhere and is under the prime community which is led by a sole chief. Through the years, since there is a number of chiefdom, there came a time where a complex chiefdom is formed. Compared to a single chiefdom, a complex chiefdom is a group or a collection of chiefdoms which is governed by a paramount chief. This paramount chief is the head of all the chiefs under the complex chiefdom. It means that the less powerful chief of certain chiefdom is under his control. The reason why this so called complex chiefdom existed is because of the rising number of small or weak chiefdom in the area. There has been power struggles between chiefdoms and as a result, they are expanding their territories, provoking a battle against the other chiefdoms. Usually, the chiefdom that succeeds is the one that has been a powerhouse from the start, meaning they have a numerous population, resources and the capability to launch an attack with a great chance of succeeding. The losing chiefdom in return will have no right to abstain the authority of the winning chiefdom, rather it must compel with it for as long as it is under its control.
Chieftainship abilities and characteristics are a very crucial part in deciding who would be is the next chief in chiefdom. One has to be from the elite class or those who have high reputation, wealthy and of a noble kinship. He must also be a committed leader with a strong will of sustaining his chiefdom. The possession of intelligence is important not only in tactics in warfare but also in running the community. Since he governs the chiefdom, he has the sole political power. The right to make laws and pass them is under his control. The power to make verdicts on cases is also his authority. In short, the chief has embodied himself the power of the legislature as he makes the laws of his chiefdom, executive as he pass the laws that he had made and the judiciary as he decides on what is right from wrong. But he chief cannot make this all by himself, he has a board of trustees who serves as his advisers on issues related to the running of the chiefdom and they belong to the nobles, particularly the chief’s relatives or in line with the kinship.
We can infer from the descriptions that were stated above that the political structure in chiefdom has been centralized, not only in the form of the complex one but also to the single and simple chiefdom. It is also noticeable that the supposed characteristics of a chief greatly resemble an ideal leader that chiefdom, community or a state would want to have. This has been the ground in choosing a qualified leader in the present and ever since the time of the pre Hispanic Philippines.
The political characteristics that a chief must obtain to have a well rounded governing power in his chiefdom has been stated in the previous section. But how does the chief get hold of his power and position to the society? This has been the question that the researchers have focused on and found a system that is quietly similar to the one that the monarchs in United Kingdom and other monarchs in the world who have adopted the same ideology.
It is clearly emphasized that before a chief can be placed on his position, he must have a noble kinship; therefore he must be from the ruling class or the elite. If for an instance the chief has died, the next in line would be is from his direct descendant, his son. We can see in here that only male can be a chief in chiefdom. For example, if the chief had died and he does not have a qualified male child but rather a female one, then the thrown will be directly given to his brother. There has been an instance in the Bagobo chiefdom wherein the chief died and he does not have a qualified son, brother or nephew left to take the position, then the kinship lost its power in line even if there were still females in their clan. So to retain the power in the clan of the chief, every male descendant must have at least one male offspring in his family. Also, since they are form the elite and more powerful class, male can marry a number of wives to ensure that someone has to seat form the thrown that will come from their clan.
The kind of hereditary system in the political cycle that has been inculcated in the system of chiefdom in the Philippines has been eminent not only in Asian countries who adopted governing systems with kings and emperors but also to the western early civilizations. It only connotes the idea that there is a tendency on people on early times to garner so much power in their hands to prolong their sovereignty in their territory.
Social ranks in Philippine chiefdom like the political leadership roles were traditionally fluid and dynamically created in constant interplay between genealogical manipulation and status competition through feasting, strategic marriages and trading. Archeological evidence is brought to bear on the evolutionary dynamics of Philippine social hierarchies which focuses on burial and settlement remains dated from the two millennia preceding European contract. The available settlement and burial evidence is consistent in recording increasing social status and wealth differentiation over time during the two thousand years of complex society formation in the Philippines (Junker, 2000). The archeological evidences for evolving wealth difference is meager for all periods of complex society development in the Philippines since pre Hispanic social organizations has not been a traditional focus of the archeological investigation.
Several studies suggested that the hereditary social ranks characteristics of chiefdoms can be recognized archeologically not only through differential access to objects of wealth that act as status symbols in domestic context but also through analyses of variation in mortuary practices (Beck 1995; J. Brown 1979; Chapman, Kinnes and Randsborg 1981).
In the case of the Philippine complex societies, there is a wide range of ethno historical literature that helps us evaluate what aspects of mortuary ritual and death related social exchanges might and might not be reflected in the material treatment of the deceased. In one of the discussions of Metacalf and Huntington on the role of mortuary ritual in complex societies of Southeast Asia (1991: 135 – 144) notes that extreme public display and wealth must be seen in the context of political systems with “cosmic pretention and chronic competition.” (p. 136)
In the Metal Age cemeteries, we could see that there are generally two discernable burial ranks which are then characterized by sharp distinctions in both the quantities and the quality of grave goods and mortuary treatment rather than graded differences along a relatively continuous scale. Most of the Metal Age burials are secondary urn burials or cremations but the catch is that there is a clear dichotomy between the exceptionally rich burials that elaborate earthenware vessels, metal goods and shell ornaments as grave accompaniments and the poor burials with few or even none of these goods. Moreover, the burials from the Early and Late Porcelain Period are considered more complex since it has many degrees in the diversity and numbers of grave accompaniments as well as in the form and labor requirements of the burial chambers.
Philippine chiefdoms become involve in long distance trade with China and other Southeast Asian political organizations. Chinese porcelain and other luxury goods from outside the archipelago have become the key symbols of social status and political power for the Philippine chiefly elite. The importance on overseas luxury goods in the Philippine political economies corresponded with the emergence of more organizationally complex and territorially expansive chiefdoms and kingdoms before the Spanish contract.
As a local demand for porcelains and other exotic goods it drastically expanded in the Philippines and a number of alternative sources for forest product exports grew after the fourteenth century and foreign traders shifted towards a mass production strategy in which massive cargoes of cheaply made porcelains are traded widely all over the archipelago.
Philippines restricted access to foreign luxury goods and maintained their social values as exclusive as the elite prestige goods through controlling the geographic venue and the social context of exchange. On the other hand, foreign trade monopolies are created by developing the port facilities and economic base in order to attract foreign vessels and then serve as profitable trade partners. Moreover, the Philippine chiefs that depended on foreign derived wealth as a major source of power and prestige only relied on a number of institutionalized mechanisms just to make sure that the access of these goods are exclusive. Philippine rulers also developed a strategy to monopolize foreign trade and to keep the foreign goods from circulating the alliance networks of their political rivals.
The additional production needed for sustain the chief’s household and elite followers are obtained not through direct ownership of lands within a fixed geographic territory but instead through the development of clientage relationships that granted a chief the right to collect agricultural tribute from political subordinates. Philippine chiefs in general did not strengthen additional production through investment in hydraulic systems, large-scale terracing, or other technological improvements but instead grabbed additional labor through increased slave prowling, expanded tribute flow through increasing the labor burdens of subordinates and encouraged agricultural colonization of adjacent forest lands.
The textile industry is one in which the Philippines has long acted as an exporter. The early Spanish noted that the Filipinos knew had to raise, spin and weave cotton and silk. Lace-making and embroidery were widely practiced often with superb results. Besides cotton, abaca fiber and banana leaf fiber was also used. The native silk was known as pina. The woven works of the Philippines, particularly from the Muslims and animists of the South are now receiving long overdue attention from the international community.
In traditional Philippine society, the importance of specialists with particular skills was emphasized by the bestowal of the title 'panday,' in recognition of mastery of an art, an applied science. They performed unique roles in their communities' struggle with nature; they attended to the birth of valued functional and ritual objects. In western Mindanao languages, midwives are called panday. Skills in various materials were specified: there was the panday-anluwagi (builder-carpenter), panday-bakal(blacksmith), or panday-ginto (goldsmith).
Natives of gold mining areas would have had several options, as shown by the career of contemporary artisan and National Craftsman Arcilla of the town of Paracale, in the province of Camarines Norte. The name of the southern Luzon town is derived from kali, or gold pit-mining. From a landowner he acquired mining rights, for a fixed monthly rental plus 10 per cent of the metal yield. He opened the land to diggers on condition that he would have first option to buy the gold. At the same time, he trained and organized goldsmiths and paid a fixed rate for their labor, based on the weight of the finished pieces. He sold raw material for a marginal gain, and finished pieces in Manila for a larger profit. Even the landowner's share is worked by him. He has bought his own parcels of gold-bearing land; to be worked on later similar arrangements may have been entered into in prehispanic times.
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